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On the other hand, many agencies are portrayed as competent and effective. This can be explained with an analysis of agency-media interactions. After all, some agencies, such as the Department of Defense, have enormous budgets that require constant public justification. Others, like the far leaner Department of State, do not. Some, like the National Institutes of Health, deal with technical and intricate policy areas and their officials fear that their work will be distorted when it is translated by journalists. Others, like the Federal Trade Commission, are deemed by reporters to be dull, narrow, and not suitable for dramatic, exciting news. Media scholar Stephen Hess studied those of the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) and Departments of Defense, State and Transportation.Political appointees and civil servants may be anxious about reporters’ powers to frame and reinterpret policy decisions. Yet they understand the importance of maintaining a friendly relationship with reporters to try to get their agency reported favorably to boost public support for their programs and budgets. Moreover, they can never assume that the media will ignore them; they must be prepared to deal with reporters at a moment’s notice. In practice, both sides usually need each other—journalists for information, bureaucrats for favorable news or at least to mitigate negative news. Press officers, who are often former journalists, sympathize with the reporters who cover agencies and strive to represent their needs within the agency. They work to provide information, a quick quote, or a tidbit on a given topic that will satisfy any and all reporters that contact them. These may come from high-ranking appointees in the agency seeking to float trial balloons or to place decisions in context. The source may be deep in the bureaucracy, as in the Abu Ghraib prisoner abuse scandal. Reporters also gain revelations through official reports and investigations conducted by officials in an agency.http://goodmorningaddis.com/tempimg/formato-manual-de-funciones-y-procedimientos.xml Media stories that laud an agency’s indispensable skill at solving important problems affecting a large public discourage such threats. For example, if the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention swiftly send out warnings about a new outbreak of illness, they not only alert the public but also provide clear evidence of their competence—and justification for an ample budget. Take the Department of Transportation (DOT), which reporters usually find boring. In 1982, a passenger jet took off from Washington’s National Airport and crashed in the Potomac River. Linda Gosden, DOT’s director of public affairs, weeded out unconfirmed information about the causes of the crash, thereby helping reporters in their jobs of ensuring accuracy and avoiding panic. She also quietly steered reporters away from any hint that the crash might have been caused by inexperienced air-traffic controllers hired after her boss, the transportation secretary, fired striking unionized air-traffic controllers in 1981 (Hess, 1984). Hollywood directors shooting a war movie routinely contact the Defense Department for assistance, ranging from technical advice to the use of military equipment. Nothing obliges the Pentagon to cooperate with an applicant, so it grants requests only to projects that depict it favorably. Hollywood classics raising serious questions about the military— Fail-Safe, Dr. Strangelove, and Apocalypse Now, for example—asked for but did not receive Pentagon help.Top agency officials worry that subordinates will not grasp what the agency is doing or that leaks from deep in the bureaucracy will characterize policy. So they have incentives to communicate what the agency’s policy is, stifle disagreement, and remind its personnel of its mission. What appears on the surface to be a service to reporters actually meets these crucial internal needs of a bureaucracy.http://www.liga.org.ua/content/dynojet-user-manual For instance, the State Department’s daily noon briefing for reporters is indispensable for the State Department; it sets a deadline to establish US foreign policy and uses the news media to communicate that policy throughout government and to foreign service officers around the globe (Hess, 1984; Graber, 2003). Cabinet secretaries heading these departments become the public faces of their agencies, even celebrities worthy of mockery on The Daily Show, jokes on late-night talk shows, and mimicry on Saturday Night Live. Like presidents, their influence is constantly monitored and measured by the observing media. To land a front-page or lead story, they stress the importance of the agency’s policy area within their news organizations. But to get the information that impresses editors and producers, reporters must rely on the input of top officials. Based at the department itself and interacting heavily with its personnel, inner cabinet reporters begin to reflect the department’s procedures, approaches, and priorities (see Note 14.32 “Comparing Content” ). This approach is handy for the Defense Department, which tries to “educate” reporters—and through them, the public—on the benefits of sophisticated weapons systems (and reasons for a huge budget). The Pentagon fosters favorable coverage by giving conditional access: providing captivating video to reporters of successful military sorties, sending them to reporters’ boot camp to help them appreciate the soldier’s life, or “embedding” them in military units, which enables them to file compelling human interest stories of brave warriors. Even skeptical reporters find the drama and vividness of such content irresistible for the news. There is a similar division between State Department correspondents and Pentagon reporters, who at times sound like spokespersons for the agencies they cover. American forces and allies had launched an air attack on Iraq and were readying an assault on land. On February 21, 1991, ABC’s Moscow correspondent revealed that Iraqi Foreign Minister Tariq Aziz and Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev had reached a proposed agreement to forestall a ground war. This unexpected news broke into Peter Jennings’s nightly broadcast.McWethy suggested that the ground war would have to be postponed and that the possibility for neutral forces to supervise Iraq’s withdrawal from Kuwait would be attractive to the United States. A great strength of the newsbeat system is the ability of reporters to grasp and convey the essence of the office and officials they cover. The downside is they may simply report from the perspective of the institution as if they were official spokespersons rather than holding the occupants of that institution accountable. Of course, as mainstream media reduce their beat reporting, it is unclear who will replace reporters. Bloggers, perhaps? For the next several months, millions of gallons of oil poured into the Gulf of Mexico. A giant oil slick destroyed the ecology, polluted coastlines, killed animals and ruined their habitats, and damaged the fishing industry, tourism, and real estate businesses. It was the worst oil spill in American history. But BP’s efforts were woefully ineffective, and it drastically underestimated the amount of oil pouring into the Gulf and the rate at which the oil leaked. Their pursuit led them to the Minerals Management Service (MMS) of the Interior Department. MMS is required by the Outer Continental Shelf Act to inspect the approximately four thousand offshore platform facilities in the Gulf for safety and operational compliance. The newspaper also reported that the MMS routinely overruled the safety and environmental concerns of its staff biologists and engineers, pressuring them to change their findings that predicted accidents. The MMS was reported to have routinely exempted BP and other companies from having to provide environmental impact statements (Urbina, 2010).With respect to the Deepwater Horizon rig, as reported in the Times, MMS gave BP permission to test the blowout preventer at a lower pressure than federally required and granted another exception to the company to delay mandatory testing of the preventer because it had lost well control. It did not require BP to keep a containment dome on the rig: BP took seventeen days to build one on shore and ship it to sea, where it did not work (Urbina, 2010). Many MMS inspectors had worked for the oil and gas industry. They accepted gifts from the companies and were friends with its employees (Kendall, 2010). New Secretary of the Interior Ken Salazar had started to try to reform the agency with ethics standards. A new head had been appointed, but she apparently did little to fix or even change the agency. That was not enough. The conflict (contradiction) between the MMS missions of policing and supporting the oil industry was too blatant. The agency was responsible for oversight of safety and environmental protection in all offshore activities, including oil drilling, and for leasing energy resources in federal waters. Thus it had a vested financial interest in the industry. On May 19, 2010, Salazar announced the separation of the three responsibilities into different divisions. Its new director issued guidelines to tighten the regulation of drilling and end or at least curtail the bribery, favoritism, and cozy relationship with the oil companies (Broder, 2010). Asked to choose in polls between “a smaller government providing fewer services” or “a bigger government providing more services,” Americans opt for the former by a two-to-one margin. Like the media, the public finds waste, fraud, and abuse to be endemic to the bureaucracy. Year after year of National Election Studies surveys reveal that when asked, “Do you think that people in the government waste a lot of the money we pay in taxes, waste some of it, or don’t waste very much of it?” the majority answers “a lot.” The General Social Survey, regularly conducted since 1973, has asked the public if it thinks too much money, not enough money, or about the right amount is being spent on particular policies. With few exceptions (welfare, foreign aid, and sometimes the space program), the public overwhelmingly favors keeping the level of funding the same or increasing it. Public opinion surveys asking respondents to evaluate individual agencies routinely show most people giving them favorable grades. Such ambivalent public opinion provides opportunities for both shrinking and growing government responsibilities and activities. Amid a budget standoff with the Republican Congress during the government shutdown of late 1995, President Clinton was able to prevail and force the Republicans to accept fewer government cutbacks than they demanded. Clinton’s victory was not simply the superior position of the president over Congress vis-a-vis the news media, it was also due to the news media’s prominent coverage of the government’s withdrawal of key services. A revealing survey by the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press interviewed members of Congress, presidential appointees, and civil servants in the Senior Executive Service. These officials all said they were heavy consumers of the news. When asked about their principal sources of information on how the public feels about issues—and allowed multiple responses—an overwhelming majority of presidential appointees and civil servants cited the media as their main source of information about public opinion (Pew Research Center on the Press and the Public, 1998). When agency personnel note public distrust, they do not say that the answer is to engage in dialogue with the public so much as explaining effectively the good jobs they see themselves as already performing (Pew Research Center on the Press and the Public, 1998). As a result, most agency websites avoid the huge potential of the Internet for interactivity. Instead, they are designed to make it easier for the agency to communicate with the public than the other way around (West, 2005). Positive coverage provides an opportunity for an agency to further its public image and enhance its programs. Even more strongly negative coverage, such as the Obama administration’s response to the revelations about MMS, becomes a prod to do something to get the bad news off the front page. Either way, news coverage speeds up decision making by pushing it to higher levels of officials (Linsky, 1988). They try to maintain and enhance their independence and power by fostering public approval that makes it hard for the president and Congress to challenge decisions or to cut budgets. Agencies pursue such approval by seeking positive images in the media of themselves and the programs they run. Reporters rely on official spokespersons and leaks. Media depictions encourage Americans to scorn the bureaucracy but value individual bureaucrats and programs. They motivate agencies to anticipate the needs of news in their decision making and to speed up their policymaking processes. In what ways do their interests differ? Why might the media help create this impression in the public? Byrd Academy was a magnet school for students with high academic credentials who lived in one of the most rundown and crime-ridden neighborhoods in the city. The students’ ultimate goal was the building of the new school that had been promised—a sign announcing the planned construction was visible from their classroom window. The students identified the difficulties with their current facility, developed a series of concrete action plans, conducted research to support their position, and began a fund-raising campaign. They placed their need for a new facility within the larger context of the difficulties facing their community. They wrote letters and sent e-mails to public officials, earned the support of high-profile figures, including Ralph Nader, and enlisted over nine hundred students from other schools to take up their cause. They circulated petitions, including an online version that was signed by thousands of people. The students appeared before the city council. They worked different bureaucratic avenues, including city officials charged with education, buildings and facilities, and finances. They sent press releases to local and national media, which generated television and newspaper coverage. They did interviews and wrote pieces that were published in print and online. They documented their progress on a website that served as a resource for journalists. They created a video documentary titled Spectacular Things Happen Along the Way, which they posted on video-sharing sites such as YouTube and linked to on websites. Despite the best efforts of the students in Room 421, Byrd Academy was closed down, and no new school was built. Still, some good things came out of the experience. The students were relocated to schools for the gifted and talented throughout the city. They went on to relate their story to other groups and inform people about how to work the bureaucracy. Some became involved in other projects to improve their community that were successful (Schultz, 2008). To the contrary, they add a new angle to my argument by showing that the ratio of deputies to assistant Cabinet secretaries has grown four-fold from an average of 1.4 in the 1960s to 5.8 in the 1990s. Moranto and Moffit mount an extraordinary defense of layering at all levels of the hierarchy. Although they defend the political layers at the top by rightly noting that the federal government?s 3,000 presidential appointees are but a drop in the bureaucratic ocean of civil servants, accounting for just 0.2 percent of total federal employment, they ignore my analysis showing that those 3,000 appointees occupy between a quarter and a third of all layers in the federal hierarchy. As they argue in their most recent commentary in The Washington Times: “To eliminate these layers would drive many of our highest-skilled, most experienced civil servants out of government.” Moranto and Moffit ignore the cost of layering in lost accountability and poor performance. They also dismiss the possibility that the federal government?s over-layered hierarchy has become one of the most significant barriers to attracting talented young people to entry-level jobs. Two years after former Sen. Warren Rudman argued for a semi-autonomous security agency with the “clear mission, streamlined bureaucracy and drastically simplified lines of authority and accountability to protect the nation?s nuclear secrets,” the Department of Energy remains an over-layered organization chart that can only be described as a meandering, mostly unlinked collection of overseers who can easily evade responsibility for what gets lost up and down the hierarchy. At its founding in 1979, its secretary, deputy secretary, under secretary, and assistant secretary compartments contained 10 layers and 56 senior executives, both political and career. By the winter of 1998 when the espionage story broke in the national media, those four compartments had thickened to 18 layers and 143 senior executives. It turns out that half of Washington was told about the vulnerabilities at Los Alamos. Rather, the problem is finding someone, anyone, who can be held accountable for a decision. Like the childhood game of telephone, in which messages become hopelessly distorted as they are whispered from child to child, bureaucratic layers create a bureaucratic fog in which Congress and the president are hopelessly isolated from the people they most need to guide. The year 1997 was the first year in civil service history when middle level employees actually outnumbered lower-level employees.From 1993 to 1998, federal departments created 16 new senior level titles, including a stunning number of new alter ego deputy posts, including “deputy to the deputy secretary,” “principal assistant deputy under secretary,” “principle senior deputy assistant secretary,” “associate deputy assistant secretary,” “chief of staff to the under secretary,” “assistant chief of staff to the administrator,” and “chief of staff to the assistant administrator.” It hardly matters whether the titles are filled by political or career officers. A layer is a layer is a layer. If Congress and the president can cut the layers without sacrificing a single political or civil service job, all the better for Messrs. Moranto and Moffit. But surely the Heritage Foundation would not be unhappy if the flattening produced a few hundred million in savings that could be spent on the tax cuts it also advocates. So, too, one imagines, would Ronald Reagan, whose portrait graces the foyer of the Heritage Foundation?s Washington headquarters. It features a hierarchical authority structure, job specialization, and established rules and procedures. The Bureaucracy implements, administers, regulates policies, issues fines, and testifies before Congress. It has Commissions, Departments, and government corporations to carry out its duties. Types of Bureaucratic Agencies ???????????????????? The Cabinet consists of fifteen departments heads. These are headed by Secretaries (except for the Justice Department, which is headed by the attorney general), who are appointed by the president and then must be approved by the Senate. Examples include the Departments of State, Treasury, and Defense. The independent regulatory agencies, such as the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) or the Federal Trade Commission (FCC), are constitutionally part of the executive branch, but operate fairly independent of presidential control. Most independent agencies are run by commissions of between five and seven members who share power, but the president has the power to name some of the commissions' members. A government corporation is a government organization that provides a service that could be provided by the private sector. It typically charges for its services and runs like a business. The Postal Service is an example of this because its job can be done by companies in the private sector like UPS, and the Postal Service charges for its services. Policy Development An iron triangle is the term used to describe a relationship that develops between congressional committees, the federal bureaucracy, and interest groups during the policy creation process. The relationship between these three groups occurs naturally over time due to the close proximity in which all of them work together, as they are all seeking to maximize their gain during the policy process. The merit system is a system of public employment in which selection and promotion depend on demonstrated performance rather than political patronage, this is the system used today. The Pendleton Act and Hatch Act are examples of reforms made in civil service. The Pendleton Act (1883) is a federal law established in 1883 that stipulated that government jobs should be awarded on the basis of merit. The Hatch Act (1939) is federal law prohibiting government employees from active participation in partisan politics while on the job. The act forbids federal workers from taking part in partisan political activities, however, they are still allowed to vote in elections. Important Offices and Laws The Office of Personnel Management (OPM) is the bureaucracy’s employment agency. The OPM administers the Civil Service Exam, publishes lists of job openings, and hires on the basis of merit. The intent of the OPM is to create a competent and professional bureaucracy. Merit Systems Protection Board investigates charges of agency corruption and incompetence. The board also protects whistleblowers. This act provides protection to whistleblowers who may receive demotions, pay cuts, or be replaced as an employee. ?? Watch: AP GOPO - Understanding the Bureaucracy Resources: Was this guide helpful. Yes No ???? Are you ready for the US Gov exam. Unit 3: Civil Liberties and Civil Rights ?? Unit 4: American Political Ideologies and Beliefs ?? Unit 5: Political Participation Join us on Discord Thousands of students are studying with us for the AP US Government exam. Talk to a trained counselor for free. It's 100 anonymous. Policies passed by authoritative decision makers are interpreted and implemented by executive agencies and departments. Created by elected officeholders, bureaucratic organizations exist to perform essential public functions both on a day-to-day basis and, especially, at times of national emergencies. Despite these efforts and functions, bureaucracy is generally unpopular in American government and often criticized as “big government” run amok. What is its power? How does the public view it. What essential functions do bureaucratic agencies and departments perform? What types of departments and agencies exist. How do their functions and political environments differ? To the extent that bureaucrats and bureaucracies are agents, how is this problematic. Who are the bureaucracy’s principals and how do they exert control? What strategies exist to reduce the size and scope of the federal executive. What are the inherent challenges involved with each strategy? Overall, government is very close to the size it was in the late 1960s, and the cost of government has not grown faster than the economy. All rights reserved. Jim rolled off her body and she sat up, running her hand across her sweaty breasts. Her strong legs crossed giving him a good view of her thighs. Why, after all, did the Soviet dictator need trials at all. The medicines alone would be expensive, and perhaps hard to come by. He had not realized how much it had cost to contain them within himself, until now that he could share them with her with the certainty that she understood. There were pieces of torn paper in it. It was nearly dark, and I was afraid my mistress might be wanting me. 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