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2007 murano z50 service and repair manualThis is a major question posed by governments, educational systems, schools, teachers and researchers around the world. One important way is to identify the competences needed for preparing democratic citizens and incorporate these within both the formal and informal school curriculum. Another question must then be posed- what competences do young citizens need to be considered as active and engaged in modern democracies. In 2011 an invited research symposium of leading civic and political educators, and social scientists from across Europe met in Hannover, Germany to consider this key concern facing Europe today. In examining the above questions the symposium addressed two significant issues: 1. Identify key competencies required for active citizenship of young people in Europe of the future. 2. Translate those competencies to school-based activities in the form of curricular and pedagogical strategies. The publication Civic Education and Competences for Engaging Citizens in Democracies addressed the first issue and this volume addresses the second issue. Through discussion in the invited symposium, previously prepared papers, and participation in a modified Delphi Technique the participants have prepared chapters for this book. The chapters of this book represent the contribution of the participants before, during and after the symposium with opportunities for review and reflection about competences for democratic citizenship and the role of schools and the curriculum. Murray Print and Dirk Lange are professors from the University of Sydney and Leibniz University of Hannover respectively and are national leaders in civics and citizenship education in their respective countries. They have brought together a group of leading European civic and citizenship educators from different academic fields to explore the key issue and to identify the competences for young people to become active and engaged European citizens.http://hkonline.com.hk/gx/guoxing/Uploads/dungeon-master-manual-3_5-download.xml

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However, it is a contested field with intense discussions aboutHowever, it is a contested field with intense discussions about its goals and what teaching and learning processes should be privileged. These discussions reflect a transition from “tradi- tional” models of civic education to “new civics” that con- siderably extend the definitions of civic participation and the purposes of civic education. Underlying this transition is a basic tension between pedagogy that emphasizes the acqui- sition of knowledge through teacher instruction and peda- gogy that emphasizes praxis, interaction with tools, objects, experiences, and people as the means to gain understanding. The former implies a “top-down” model, the latter, a more “bottom-up” model. In civic education they parallel a tension between seeing the purpose of civic education as increasing knowledge primarily about the nation’s political institutions and history, and the purpose being to develop understanding, skills, agency, and motivation through hands-on experiences with civic issues and actions. In this chapter we discuss the contributions of educational and developmental psychology to this renewed understand - ing of civic education, in particular, to redefining key learn - ing processe s, curriculu m orientation s in formal and informa l learning environments, and different pathways to develop - ment. To conclude, we consid er three examples of emerging research and practice that relate to “new civics”: Civic educa - tion through new media, student engagement in critical delib - eration of controver sial issues, and how historical narratives and concepts are used in the construction of civic identity. Developmental Theory and Civic Education Models of human development are the infrastructures that inform civic education. Advances in developmental psychology are affecting how civic education is conceived.http://sivakandiah.com/userfiles/dungeon-master-game-manual.xml For example, the term “political socialization,” widely used in several social sciences, assumes a social learning theory model, in which the passive individual is molded by environ- mental factors such as conditioning and reinforcement; civic education is one agent of that molding process. However, for several decades, the emergent cognitive model within devel- opmental psychology has cast the individual instead as an active agent in learning, selecting, organizing, and making meaning of experience and information. Further, this active model of the person has been extended by a neo-Vygotskian perspective which takes account of the individual’s cultural context and experience. Learning results not only from formal teaching of information, but also from individuals’ interaction, dialogue, and performance of action within their social context. Meaning and understanding, therefore, are co-constructed and negotiated in social and cultural interac- tions, not merely processed in individual cognition. In cog- nitive developmental approaches, the individual actively is successively restructuring and reflecting, producing increas- ingly complex and abstract understanding. Within culturally oriented approaches, the active process also involves negoti- ating meaning through dialogue with others and with cultural resources.More cognitive developmental perspec- tives orient research and practice to new sets of questions: What elements of civic education are necessary to scaffold active learning and deep understanding. What happens in civic learning with increasing age. What happens in civic learning with increasing opportunity to engage with civic issues. The pedagogic implications are that education should focus on fostering in students an increasingly sophisticated and mature understanding of civic matters, and provide the right kinds of experiences and contexts for learning to facil- itate active, effective, and meaningful processing. This takes civic learning beyond factual knowledge, to include concep- tual understanding, cognitive and socioemotional skills, and moral judgment. First, educators need to recognize and take account of the cultural messages and resources available to the grow- ing individual (for example, linguistic, non-linguistic, and institutional messages about ethnicity, power, dominant val- ues, and norms of behavior). Second, effective civic learning needs to use the resources of the cultural context, to facilitate interaction, critical reflection, and negotiation, for example with media and through experience and engagement with actual civic life. The Building Blocks of Civic Learning We can think of the dimensions of civic learning as build- ing blocks that contribute in different ways to achieving the goals of civic education, reflecting different models of devel- opment. These are: civic knowledge and understanding; civic skills; civic values, motivation, and identity; and civic action. We will consider these also in the context of emergent devel- opmental theories. Civic Knowledge and Understanding Civic education typically has concentrated on conveying factual knowledge about democratic institutions, processes, and elements of national history. There is also growing consensus that civic knowledge alone is not enough to foster active and responsible civic engagement. Discrete knowledge becomes more meaningful as it is integrated with conceptual understanding. For example, students may “know” the list of core human rights, but they may not understand what the concept of “rights” actually entails, why they were codified in a particular historical time, or how they relate to specific conceptions of state. The ability to understand civic and social concepts pro- gresses in parallel with the development of conceptual think- ing (Barrett, 2007). This development is reflected in the conception of social institutions, as illustrated by several examples: 1. For younger students, civic institutions and social realities are embodied by those who represent them. Later they come to understand the societal functions of institutions within a wide range of systems and structures. 2. Younger students tend to believe that the various levels of social order are diverse and disconnected realities. For instance, cultural changes have no connection with political or economic factors, revolutions are simple confrontations between groups rather than structural changes affecting all aspects of society. 3. Social change is difficult to understand because things are as they are, social situations are immutable, and little change is possible. 4. Younger students tend to think that civil rights depend on the willingness of individuals or social institutions. With further con- ceptual development they understand that their existence rests on political, economic, social, and cultural factors forming a multi- causal structure. 5. Younger students understand a country’s presidency only in terms of an individual and they also may have difficulty in under- standing that a modern nation-state is not simply a territory or a group of inhabitants but an abstract concept that only emerged in modern societies. Civic Skills A variety of skills are necessary for effective participation in civic life. For example, youth are expected to make sound political choices, to take part in processes of collective Whereas knowledge and conceptual understanding make up the declarative dimension of civic learning (know what), civic skills make up the procedural dimension that refers to what students should be able to do (know how). Cognitive skills refer to the capacities that enable citizens to analyze and synthesize information and arguments, as well as evaluate, reach conclusions, take and defend positions on matters of public concern (Kirlin, 2003). Examples include considering different perspectives (Hess, 2009), interrogat- ing and interpreting political communication (Amadeo et al., 2002), and supporting positions with evidence and good argumentation (Youniss, 2011). Participatory skills refer to a variety of social capacities for working with others that enable citizens to influence pub- lic and civic life by building coalitions, seeking consensus, negotiating differences, and managing conflict. Kirlin (2003) proposes a typology that includes skills for communication (public speaking, petitioning, lobbying, protesting), organi- zation (mobilizing, securing funding, leading meetings), and collective decision making (coordinating perspectives, eval- uating alternative solutions, etc.). Chi, Jastrzab, and Melchior (2006) add skills for group membership and for conflict reso- lution. The Latin American module of the International Civic and Citizenship Study measures skills for: (a) living together in peace (peaceful resolution of conflict, assertiveness, communication); (b) democratic participation (collective decision-making processes, advocacy, persuasive communi- cation); and (c) plurality and diversity (multiperspectivity, confronting discrimination, and exclusion). Socioemotional skills refer to the interpersonal capacities for handling oneself in healthy relationships with family, peers, and community members. Traditional civic education approaches sought to instill in students civic values and attitudes regarded as essential for a virtuous citizen, such as taking responsibility for civic actions like voting and help- ing others, upholding the law, and monitoring current affairs in the media (Lickona, 1997). The preferred pedagogical strategies employ exemplar role models, illustrative story telling, negative and positive reinforcement of behavior. Indeed, it is important to transmit to younger generations a host of democratic values that societies have struggled to construct, such as tolerance and respect for diversity, concern with the rights and welfare of others, freedom, or justice. However, in the more active model of the learner found in cognitive developmental and cultural psychology the appropriation of values is rooted in active meaning making and negotiation within social contexts. These approaches foster a reflective appropriation of social values and the development of moral judgment. Moral values play an important role in motivating civic action because they make civic issues personally relevant and provide a sense of purpose for civic action. It is evident that this profile of engagement is only partially accounta- ble in terms of knowledge. Because community-based and single issues are frequently seen as morally char ged they may contribute to a sense of personal responsibility. Affect and civic identity play significant roles. These are often absent when conventional civic education is defined in relation to macro political processes such as voting, rather than on what actually motivates behavior. For effective education it is essential to start from where young people’s concerns and interests are, and to understand what are the different factors that motivate them to engage (Youniss, 2011). Individual and collective identities are increasingly recognized as key elements in the definition of civic motiva- tion and commitments. For this reason, identity is crucial to why, when, and how people become engaged, and the mean- ing they make of such engagement in their particular socio- cultural contexts (Haste, 2010). Civic identity is not a fixed individual trait of the person’s psychology, but rather an active and fluid psychosocial pro- cess though which citizens make sense of themselves in rela- tion to their social reality, and negotiate their place and role within their civic communities. Civic identity includes the person’s sense of agency and efficacy. Agency refers to the sense of being a meaningful Efficacy refers to the confidence in one’s ability to take action, effect change, and achieve the desired results. In the civic realm, efficacy also involves the belief that it is possible and worth trying to make a difference through public action and may determine whether a felt concern gets translated into engage- ment. Students interact in a variety of civic environments long before they become formal polit- ical citizens, providing opportunities for age-appropriate, relevant, and meaningful learning. Families, peer groups, and social media often become sites for discussing controversial issues (Lievrouw, 2011). Experience with real-life civic action is important to cul- tivate civic identities that provide authentic and effective sources of motivation, purpose, responsibility, agency, and efficacy. “Hands-on” pedagogy helps students to grasp the deeper meaning of knowledge and concepts and to develop an increasing mastery of skills. An example is Ginwright’s (2010) study of a black youth community initiative in Oakland, California. This form of civic engagement focuses on cooperation around targeted problem solving regarding issues of common concern. The data suggest that a distinct sense of social responsibility underlies community activism, characterized by a commit- ment to partner with others in understanding problems, and responsiveness in developing and implementing solutions. Youth participatory action research (YPAR) is an emer- gent version of community action, based in part on Freirian principles. The goal of YPAR is to generate positive identity, agency, and efficacy in the community through the owner- ship of local knowledge and expertise and integrating it with relevant scholarship. YPAR projects are student-led, but with advisory guidance from researchers; they draw upon unique local knowledge. YPAR presents a chal- lenge to conventional research models because of its strong ethnographic stance, but it also challenges the implicit deficit and pathological models that inform much work on minority and underprivileged groups. Conceptions of Democracy and “Good Citizenship” In the last three decades, definitions of civic processes have expanded to include many more forms of participation, such as community involvement, and to recognize the importance of unconventional civic action such as protest. Plural and multifaceted characterization of civic engagement has rede- fined how we understand, investigate, and practice “civic education” (Sherrod et al., 2010). A fundamental discus- sion concerns the goals of civic education. What purpose is served by having an educated citizenry. What are the per- ceived threats posed by civic ignorance and apathy. What is a “good citizen”. The “Good Citizen” Westheimer and Kahne (2004) found three distinct concep- tions of a “good citizen” underlying both young people’s concepts and the agendas of civic education programs: the personally responsible citizen, the participatory citizen, and the justice-oriented citizen. Personally responsible cit- izenship emphasizes being kind to other people, helping others in need, telling the truth, following the rules, main- taining harmony, and keeping the community clean and safe. Participatory citizenship prioritizes engagement with national, state, or local issues, working with community organizations and local government on relevant issues, and getting involved in improving and strengthening one’s own community. Justice-oriented citizenship focuses on think- ing critically about systemic problems in society and the These are not mutually exclusive. Individuals as well as educational programs may support, engage with, or promote more than one and they often intersect. Facing History and Ourselves, a curric- ulum for the study of racism and societal violence within a social justice agenda, builds purposeful connections with issues of discrimination and violence in interpersonal rela- tionships, fostering students’ understanding that they have various widening “circles of moral obligation” (Fine, 2004. Conceptions of Democracy and Agendas for Civic Education Not all civic education takes place within systems of rep- resentative democracy. There is no single definition of “democ- racy.” At the very least we can distinguish four conceptions, each of which informs different emphases of civic education programs: procedural democracy, deliberative democracy, democracy as social justice, and democracy as a mode of living. Each of these models of democracy privileges par- ticular kinds of civic engagement, which in turn implies that civic education pursues different goals and engages different learning processes. Procedural democracy, which underlies many civic edu- cation efforts, defines democracy as a system of political organization and decision making based on representative and participatory procedures that are grounded on principles of freedom, equality, and the rule of law. Civic education programs informed by this conception aim to provide stu- dents with the knowledge necessary to engage with formal institutions and mechanisms for political participation such as voting in elections or campaigning for parties. Deliberative approaches to democracy share the underly- ing principles of procedural democracy, but they emphasize two core ideas that push the idea of “democracy” further. In practice procedural democracy privileges majority views, achieving consensus, compliance with convention, and keep- ing order. This emphasis on system stability may marginalize alternative views on public issues that are in the minority, controversial, novel, or particularly complex. Gutmann and Thompson also argue that the conventional mechanisms of procedural democracy, such as participation in elections or interest group bargaining, are not the most adequate to han- dle essential moral disagreements. Therefore, it is important that citizens have wide and active engagement in the deliber- ation of public issues. Proponents of democracy as social justice argue that focusing on political procedures does not adequately rep- resent the complex, unequal, and conflictive nature of citi- zenship in contemporary societies. An “authentic” or “deep” democracy must be committed to assert moral equality and to protect dignity in equal terms for all (West, 2004). Unless socioeconomic (distributive) justice is guaranteed, the essen- tial values of democracy are at stake. As Llewellyn, Cook, and Molina’s (2010) work illustrates, putting social justice at the heart of student learning means preparing students to analyze power relationships, investi- gate the ambiguities of political issues, and embrace oppor- tunities for social change. Civic education programs informed by this perspective aim to develop stu- dents’ sensitivity, habits, and capacities necessary to build and preserve relationships and connection across lines of difference (Noddings, 2005; Sinclair, 2004; Sinclair et al., 2008). These different conceptions of democracy have implica- tions for the definition of the knowledge, skills, and attrib- utes privileged in civic education programs. For example, all models require civic knowledge. Yet, the contents empha- sized are more or less comprehensive, with procedural views emphasizing knowledge of political institutions and consti- tutional procedures, deliberative models adding knowledge of current public issues, and social justice models adding knowledge of socioeconomic dynamics. Likewise, proce - dural models emphasize the development of cognitive skills for effective analysis of information, whereas deliberative and social justice models emphasize skills for critical inquiry and controversial dialogue. In turn, models based on the idea of a democracy as a way of life emphasize the development of cognitive and socioemotional skills necessary for fair and caring resolution of conflict. Changing Patterns and Definitions of Civic Engagement: Educational Implications Worldwide, major changes in the extent and style of youth participation, the targets of concern, and particularly the means of expressing political action have broadened the definition of civic participation (both action and targets of engagement) beyond voting or conventional partisan support; This transformation supports a more com- prehensive definition of the knowledge content of civic edu- cation, as well as the attention given to participatory skills and to the development of a civic identity. Voice as Agency It is increasingly recognized that citizens participate in the public sphere by expressing their views about contested issues, mobilizing and organizing to make their voices heard. This attention to voice as an important quality of good citizenship coincides with the increasing educational emphasis on the development of skills for the deliberation of controversial issues, participatory skills for working with others, and the attention to civic issues that are relevant to students’ sense of civic identity (Apple, 2010; Haste, 2010) Local Focus A shift in youth focus towards local matters reflects the increasing relevance of personal civic purpose. Af?rmative and Transformative Action Civic engagement has typically been conceived as system- affirmative activities that build on and sustain the prevail- ing sociopolitical order. However, grassroots organizations, social movements, and political activists highlight structural inequalities that must be recognized and transformed in truly democratic societies. The Importance of Context in Civic Education Context matters. How civic institutions develop and operate depends on sociohistorical context. Likewise, policies and practices in civic education vary across social and cultural contexts. For example, in violence-ridden societies, prioritiz- ing learning how to manage interpersonal conflicts may be seen as a precursor of managing group conflicts. In the inno- vative K-12 curriculum established in Colombia a decade ago conflict management and human rights education were two core-organizing criteria of civic education (Jaramillo, 2005). Civic learning is therefore mediated by the individu- al’s experience of membership in multiple cultural groups within larger communities, such as gender, ethnic, religious, or political groups. The meaning that people make of these experiences depends on how they construct and negotiate their identities in each of the groups to which they belong. Engaging civically is not the same for members of minority and discriminated groups that perceive themselves as “out- siders” as it is for members of majority and dominant groups that take their citizenship for granted. For example, students from communities that the system has not served well often fail to connect to civics education that privileges obedience and conformity to middle-class white values (Banks, 2001 Janmaat, 2008; Jensen, 2010; Russell et al., 2010). We need to u nderstand what are relevant experiences, whether within a formal or in formal educational setting, and how to promote these for effective education. Biesta and Lawy (2 006) argue that educat ional r esearch, policy, and practice should not focus on teach ing one predeter mined canon of citizenship, but focus on understa nding how young people’ s learning of de mocracy is s ituate d in wider social orders in wh ich the lives of you ng people unfold. For i nstance, Martin and Chiodo ( 20 08) studied the percept ions of eighth- and 1 1th-grade A merican Indian st udents regard ing citizensh ip. American I ndian stu- dents sa w citi zenship as grounded in com munity service, and volunteer ing i n triba l activit ies or pa rticipating in t heir local tribal organizat ion as more re levant alternatives to con- ventional political activity such as v oting a nd run ning for political office. Civic lear ning is deter mine d by the number, variet y, and qu ality of th e oppor tunit ies provided to stude nts. Oppor tu nities for civic en gagement available to yout h are Also, some youn g peop le ’ s liv ed experien ces res ult in deci - sions to civic ally d isengage. Recognizing the contextual nature of civic education will contribute to aligning teaching practices and programs more effectively with the democratic ideals of pluralism and equality. Llewellyn et al. (2010) examined the perspectives on civic learning of teachers and students in four secondary schools in Ottawa, Canada. They found that, while students in their study had a breadth of knowledge about current civic issues that were relevant to them, civic education paid lit- tle attention to that. Both teachers and students claimed that this made it very difficult to encourage youth participation in democratic processes. Mason, Cr emin, and Warwick (201 1) use an ec ological systems approach to explore the civic lear ning experiences of th ree d ifferent grou ps of you ng pe ople livi ng in areas of socioconomic disadvant age in Britain. They analyze d youn g p eople’s e xper ien ces of expr essi ng thei r voice, civ ic par ticipation, volunteer ing, a nd altr uism; their motivation s for civic pa rticipa tion; and the ch allenges they face that may prevent civic part icipation and action. Wh ile t here is variat ion in levels of civic engagement, thei r f indings sug - gest that the lived ex perienc es of some stude nts le ad t hem to decisions t o civically dise ngage. Y oung people who were min imally engaged had more direct ex perienc e of cr ime, prejudice, poor educat ion, and i ntr usive polici ng. St udents comme nted on how several int eractio ns with tea chers, police office rs, neighbors, an d em ployers ha d t aught them to dise ngage and keep thei r head s down. For exa mple, some st udents explained t hat th ey were unhappy that the system for providing meals at their school ha d been modi - fied in response to healthy-e ating dr ives. The stude nts were not oppos ed to healt hy eating per se, but they were u pset that they had not been invo lved i n making a decisi on that affecte d them. T hey rejecte d that t he change was done to them rather than wi th th em and their respo nse w as to del ib - erately boycott the school’ s meal servic e. The lack of con- sultat ion was describe d as a demotivating lesson that taught that th ey cou ld no t make a diff erence. Fin kel and Ern st (2 005) con duc ted a study th at exam - ined t he effect s of a posta par theid civic educatio n progr am ( Democracy for Al l ) on South Afr ican high -school stu dents in the la te 1990s. The r esults s how that expo sure to c ivic inst ru ction (i.e., passive or lec tur e-bas ed in str uction) h as relativel y strong effects on po litical knowledge, while hav - ing no im pact on politi cal atti tudes, v alues, and partic ipa - tor y dispo sitions su ch as civic du ty, toleranc e, inst itut ional tr ust, o r the ac quisit ion of civic s kills.